The
story of American
Colossus spans
the years 1865 to 1900. This, H. W. Brands says, captures
the rise of capitalism, the moment when money met power met politics. It was the
era that, in some ways, most directly prefigured our own economy, kicking off a
rise in economic inequality that would end in the Great Depression and remain
unmatched until, well, today.
But why? That's the
question that American
Colossus does not effectively
answer. Brands, whose biographies of F.D.R. and Benjamin
Franklin were both Pulitzer Prize finalists, offers many stories, vignettes,
and portraits, but his book is unfortunately short on explanations. Still,
there are hints here and there, breadcrumbs on the trail of history.
Technological changes
like the railroad and the telegraph made for a newly national economy.
Individual businesses could suddenly serve—and profit from—more
of the country at once. Today, of course, it's the Internet
and telecommunications and global financial markets making for a more
globalized economy, and so individuals can serve—and,
again, profit from—more of the world at
once.
The
sudden ability to get
much richer led to the sudden emergence of much richer men.
This was, famously, the age of J. P. Morgan, of John D.
Rockefeller, of Cornelius Vanderbilt and Andrew Carnegie. And as the political
system had not prepared itself to resist their wealth, they applied their
wealth to the political system to help them amass ever more of it. So many
questions in this book are settled by some well-timed bribes that you wonder if
any policy disputes were ever discussed on the merits.
Someone, of course, had to do
the work to make all these innovations a reality. German, Irish, and Chinese
immigrants—not
to mention the freed slaves—were as exploited as
they were necessary. The Chinese, for instance, proved to be crucial members of
the railroad crews, as they knew techniques for blasting through hills that
domestic laborers had never seen before. This did not stop their owners from
treating them like pack animals rather than people.
The
general cruelty of capital gave rise to an occasionally militant labor movement
fighting to protect itself. Over and again, Brands follows workers who link
arms—or,
in some cases, take them up—against the tremendous
pressure the economy puts on them. There are the Molly Maguires, a secret
society of Irish workers who carry out a campaign of terror against management,
and are finally brought down by the infamous Pinkerton National Detective
Agency. There are the labor riots that rip across the country. There are the
armed standoffs between workers and the goons hired by their bosses. There's
violence and bloodshed. The stakes are terribly high: without
work, you could starve. With work, the safety regulations were so lax that you
could be killed.
But
for all the richness of the period, Brands's approach is hampered by
the sheer number of stories he tells. Any given chapter could have had a book—or
many books—all to itself. The
business titans, of course, and the technological advances. Our tour through
the end of the slave trade—a particularly
interesting chapter as the South suddenly has to develop a labor market based
upon wages—and the influx of Irish,
German, and Chinese workers.
The time we spend laying spikes with railroad workers before driving cattle
with herders. The presidential ambitions of William Tecumseh Sherman and
Theodore Roosevelt. Sitting Bull's rise, and the fall of Tammany
Hall. Say this for it: the book's
got scope. And amidst this panorama are some truly stunning views. This is my
favorite of them:
The
historic dearth of labor was perhaps the central feature of the American
economy in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries. This explains much of
why Americans resorted to slavery (while Europe, for most domestic purposes,
did not). It was also why labor was better rewarded in America (except for
those slaves) than in Europe, which in turn explained the attraction of America
to immigrants.
Coming, as it does, amidst
much color and many stories, that clear shot of economic analysis tells you
what a thousand anecdotes
could not. Too often, Brands has the thousand anecdotes—but
not the analysis. His book is about what happened, rather than why it happened.
It rarely pauses to explain why
the monopolies arose so rapidly, or why the political system wasn't
more concerned by their power. And given the sheer number of narrative threads,
that makes it hard to see how they're all sewn together.
To
some, that may in fact be a virtue. American
Colossus
never bogs down in numbers, offering instead a fast-paced tour through a
fast-paced period in our history. To me, it was a problem: by the last stop, I
felt I had marveled at much, but understood little.
The
current scene, however, provides a useful counterpoint. Brands's book is about the
triumph of capitalism. But like an invading army that wins a bloody war only to
discover it's now responsible for
coordinating Thursday trash pick-up, American capitalism has been, if not
tamed, then at least forced to take some responsibility for itself. That's
a story that takes place after Brands finishes, and one we often take for
granted. The rich have gotten richer again, but the cruelty of the earlier age
has not returned.
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