It's not
uncommon for those studying or reading about World War II to ponder the
question, "What would I do?" Would I have helped the Jews? Would I
have dropped the atomic bomb? Would I have made a deal with Stalin? These moral
questions are precisely the ones that concern Michael Burleigh, noted historian
of the Third Reich, in his new book, Moral
Combat: Good and Evil in World War II. In
writing what he calls "a moral history of the Second World War,"
Burleigh sets out to excavate the "prevailing moral sentiment of entire
societies and their leaderships, and how this changed under the impact of both
ideology and total war."
Burleigh's approach to the war puts the amoral policies and conduct of
the Nazi and Soviet regimes front and center. His comparison of the two
brilliantly delves into the mindsets that fueled their disregard for civilian
lives and encouraged targeted killing based on racial criteria. He highlights
the culpability of the German army, not only the SS, in the Holocaust. Officers
were promoted based on body counts, while foot soldiers were told killing Jews
would save German civilization—a message reinforced by the brutal conditions of
the Eastern Front. At the same time, Burleigh takes the Soviets to task for
their treatment of civilian populations as the Red Army pushed the Germans back
to Berlin.
He has no time for historians who want to diminish the magnitude of
some crimes to elevate the criminality of others. This particularly comes out
in his discussion of the Allies. He argues that the Anglo-American bombing
campaign against Germany, which resulted in the firebombing of Dresden, was
indeed morally defensible and not equivalent to the Holocaust, as some
historians suggest. As Burleigh writes: "No serious person can compare the
hard-fought bombing campaign with slaughtering innocent civilians in
circumstances where the only risk the perpetrators ran was to be splashed with
blood and brains in some ditch in the Ukraine."
Moral Combat tours
the war's ethical hotspots small and large. Burleigh upholds the decision to
drop atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, asserting that the alternative was
the continuation of conventional bombing or the use of a naval blockade to
starve Japan. He shows the pains that Britain's Special Operations Executive
went to in order to limit civilian reprisals for its actions in Nazi-occupied
territory, which only throws into sharper contrast the Nazi regime's bloodlust.
Grappling with the question of the Allied bombing of Auschwitz, Burleigh
wonders why the Soviets haven't been taken to task for failing to bomb the camp
when it was within easy reach of their bombers.
Burleigh gives the reader plenty to chew on, but Moral Combat has its problems. The book is less a history of the war
than a series of thematically related essays. The Pacific Theater gets short
shrift, and Burleigh limits his discussion of "Resistance" to France
alone. There is also no discussion of naval combat, which seems an odd omission
given the Battle of the Atlantic and the centrality of naval warfare in the
Pacific. He ignores the morality of Sweden and Switzerland opting to remain
neutral. The book also just ends—there is nothing resembling a conclusion,
which the reader is hungry for after being ensconced in a moral morass for more
than 550 pages.
Despite these complaints, there is much to appreciate. The writing is
elegant, the observations incisive, and the opinions plentiful. Burleigh has an
eye for evocative details and thick description that brings to life moments
that might otherwise be flattened by the introduction of the ethical questions
raised. Those interested in the Second World War will find it a provocative, if
imperfect, companion to the operational and diplomatic accounts that already
line their shelves.
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